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The popular notion about marriage and love is that they are synonymous, that they spring

from the same motives, and cover the same human needs. Therefore, like most popular notions this also【M1】______ rests not on actual facts, but on superstition. It is utterly false that love results from marriage. On rare occasions one does hear a【M2】______ miraculous case of a married couple falling in love after marriage, but on close examination it will be found that it is a merely adjustment to【M3】______ the inevitable. Certainly the growing—used to each other is far away from the spontaneity, the intensity, and beauty of love, without which the intimacy of marriage must prove degrading to both the woman and the man. Marriage is primarily an economical arrangement, an【M4】______ insurance pact. It differs from the ordinary life insurance agreement only in that it is more binding, more exacting. Its returns are significantly small compared with the investments. In taking out an【M5】______ insurance policy one pays for it with dollars and cents, always【M6】______ in liberty to discontinue payments. If, however, womans premium is【M7】______ a husband, she pays for it with her name, her privacy, her self-respect, her very life, "until death doth part". Moreover, the marriage insurance condemns her to life-long independency, to parasitism, to【M8】______ complete uselessness, individually as long as socially. Man, too, pays【M9】______ his toll, but as his sphere is wider, marriage does not limit him as much as to woman. He feels his chains more in an economic sense.【M10】______

【M1】

提问人:网友shunjian86 发布时间:2022-01-07
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更多“The popular notion about marri…”相关的问题
第1题
The author mentions "study of UFOs, dianetics" (line 29) most likely in order toA.give an

The author mentions "study of UFOs, dianetics" (line 29) most likely in order to

A.give an example of schools of belief that fail to make sufficiently truthful predictions

B.cite sciences which have failed to gain popular support by making unpopular predictions

C.identify superstitions whose predictive strength is inexplicably consistent

D.provide cases of schools of belief whose predictions lack firm evidence

E.gain authoritative support for the notion that that a universal suspension of belief may be warranted

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第2题
听力原文:Tennis was one of the original sports played at the modern Olympic Games which we

听力原文: Tennis was one of the original sports played at the modern Olympic Games which were held in Athens, Greece in 1896, and it lasted until the 1924 Games in Paris. Later tennis was dropped out from the Olympic Games from 1924 to 1968 due to the following reasons: the formats and the rules of the game were changed, lack of participants, unsuitable facilities, the resistance to the notion of posting an International Tennis Federation representative on the International Olympic Committee, mid a clash of dates with Wimbledon. (Wimbledon known as the Wimbledon Tournament is still one of the most celebrated sporting events in the world.) Philippe Chatrier, the President of the International Tennis Federation, lobbied for the sport to return to the Olympics for years but was unsuccessful. In 1968, tennis finally became non-medal demonstration competition at the Olympic Games. In 1988, tennis returned to the Olympic Games as an official sport. Olympic gold medals have been awarded in four events: men's and women's singles and men's and women's doubles.

In the past, tennis was not popular at all. But it is getting more and more accepted in China in recent years. Now China has several best players of the world. China is going to launch a new ATP (Association of Tennis Professionals) men's tennis tournament next September in order to prepare for the 2008 Olympics.

(30)

A.Because the equipment was unstable.

B.Because the roles of the game were altered.

C.Because the players of tennis were disliked.

D.Because the date was different from the Wimbledon.

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第3题
Until recently, the acquisition of scientific literacy and the enlargement of general know
ledge on the part of the individual had only been intuitively understood and was best observed in extreme cases. Contrary to the notion of instant "creativity" that was popular in the 1960s, distinguished scientific accomplishment is a matter of opportunity and of continuous and concentrated effort over at least a decade. When Newton was asked how he had managed to surpass the discoveries of his predecessors, in both quantity and quality, he replied, "By always thinking about them." Add to this the comment of Gauss that "if others would but reflect on mathematical truths as deeply and continuously as I have, they would make my discoveries," and it becomes apparent that "instant" scientific discoveries are many long years in the making.

So, too, are accomplishments in many other areas. Psychological studies of the lives of eminent painters, writers, musicians, philosophers, religious leaders, and scientists of previous centuries, as well as prizewinning adolescents in this country today, reveal early, intense concentration on previous work in their fields, often to the near-exclusion of other activities. It appears, though, that science and mathematics, because of their highly specialized and abstract symbolism, may require the greatest concentration and per severance.

The same fundamental thought process, moreover, appear to be required in both elementary and advanced science, as Simon and his colleagues have shown. "The development of literacy, the acquisition of information, and the problem-solving of beginners differ in degree rather than in kind from mental activities of experts. The scarce resources are opportunities and concentration rather than the amount of information available or the processing capacity of the mind, both of which, for practical purposes are unlimited.

The passage says that in the 1960s it was a widespread belief that distinguished scientific accomplishments were ______.

A.made mostly by accident

B.the results of painstaking efforts

C.the results of sudden bursts of creativity

D.made only by distinguished characters

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第4题
It may turn out that the "digital divide"—one of the most fashionable political slogans of
recent years—is largely fiction. As you will recall, the argument went well beyond the unsurprising notion that the rich would own more computers than the poor. The disturbing part of the theory was that society was dividing itself into groups of technology "haves" and "have-nots" and that this segregation would, in turn, worsen already large economic inequalities. It is this argument that is either untrue or wildly exaggerated.

We should always have been suspicious. After all, computers have spread quickly because they have become cheaper to buy and easier to use. Falling prices and skill requirements suggest that the digital divide would spontaneously shrink—and so it has.

Now, a new study further discredits the digital divide. The study, by economist David Card of the University of California, Berkeley, challenges the notion that computers have significantly worsened wage inequality. The logic of how this supposedly happens is straightforward: computers raise the demand for high-skilled workers, increasing their wages. Meanwhile, computerization—by automating many routine tasks—reduces the demand for low-skilled workers and, thereby, their wages. The gap between the two widens.

Superficially, wage statistics support the theory. Consider the ratio between workers near the top of the wage distribution and those near the bottom. Computerization increased; so did the wage gap.

But wait, point out Card and DiNardo. The trouble with blaming computers is that the worsening of inequality occurred primarily in the early 1980s. With computer use growing, the wage gap should have continued to expand, if it was being driven by a shifting demand for skills. Indeed, Card and DiNardo find much detailed evidence that contradicts the theory. They conclude that computerization does not explain "the rise in U.S. wage inequality in the last quarter of the 20th century".

The popular perception of computers' impact on wages is hugely overblown. Lots of other influences count for as much, or more. The worsening of wage inequality in the early 1980s, for example, almost certainly reflected the deep 1981—1982 recession and the fall of inflation. Companies found it harder to raise prices. To survive, they concluded that they had to hold down the wages of their least skilled, least mobile and youngest workers.

The "digital divide" suggested a simple solution (computers) for a complex problem (poverty). With more computer access, the poor could escape their lot. But computers never were the source of anyone's poverty and, as for escaping, what people do for themselves matters more than what technology can do for them.

It is generally believed that the digital divide is something ______.

A.that is responsible for economic inequalities.

B.deemed to be positive in poverty-relief.

C.that results from falling computer prices.

D.getting worse because of the Internet.

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第5题
Part ADirections: Read the following four texts. Answer the questions below each text by c

Part A

Directions: Read the following four texts. Answer the questions below each text by choosing A, B, C or D. (40 points)

It may turn out that the "digital divide"—one of the most fashionable political slogans of recent years is largely fiction. As you will recall, the argument went well beyond the unsurprising notion that the rich would own more computers than the poor. The disturbing part of the theory was that society was dividing itself into groups of technology "haves" and "have-nots" and that this segregation would, in turn, worsen already large economic inequalities. It is this argument that is either untrue or wildly exaggerated.

We should always have been suspicious. After all, computers have spread quickly because they have become cheaper to buy and easier to use. Falling prices and skill requirements suggest that the digital divide would spontaneously shrink—and so it has. Now, a new study further discredits the digital divide. The study, by economists David Card of the University of California, Berkeley, challenges the notion that computers have significantly worsened wage inequality. The logic of how this supposedly happens is straightforward: computers raise the demand for high-skilled workers, increasing their wages. Meanwhile, computerization—by automating many routine tasks—reduces the demand for low skilled workers and, thereby their wages. The gap between the two widens.

Superficially, wage statistics support the theory. Consider the ratio between workers near the top of the wage distribution and those near the bottom. Computerization increased; so did the wage gap.

But wait, point out Card and DiNardo. The trouble with blaming computers is that the worsening of inequality occurred primarily in the early 1980s. With computer use growing, the wage gap should have continued to expand, if it was being driven by a shifting demand for skills. Indeed, Card and DiNardo find much detailed evidence that contradicts the theory. They conclude that computerization does not explain "the rise in U.S. wage inequality in the last quarter of the 20th century."

The popular perception of computers' impact on wages is hugely overblown. Lots of other influences count for as much, or more. The worsening of wage inequality in the early 1980s, for example, almost certainly reflected the deep 1981 1982 recession and the fall of inflation. Companies found it harder to raise prices. To survive, they concluded that they had to hold down the wages of their least skilled, least mobile and youngest workers.

The "digital divide" suggested a simple solution (computers) for a complex problem (poverty). With more computer access, the poor could escape their lot. But computers never were the source of anyone's poverty and, as for escaping, what people do for themselves matters more than what technology can do for them.

It is generally believed that the digital divide is something

A.that is responsible for economic inequalities.

B.deemed to be positive in poverty relief.

C.that results from falling computer prices.

D.getting worse because of the Internet.

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第6题
Among the most enduring of all horrors is the prospect of a slow, painful death. Those who
witness the protracted terminal illness of a friend or relative often view the eventual death more as a relief than a tragedy.

But to make life-or-death decisions on behalf of a dying person unable to communicate his or her wishes is to enter a moral and legal minefield. Could a doctor be sued for withholding treatment and allowing someone to dieor for not allowing him or her to die? Could it ever be lawful to withhold food and water?

Legal moves are afoot which may settle these questions. Recently, a group on voluntary euthanasia proposed legislation to make documents known as "Advance Directives", or Living Wills, legally binding.

An Advance Directive sets out the kind of medical treatment a person wishes to receive, or not receive, should he or she ever be in a condition that prevents them expressing those wishes. Such documents, much in vogue in the US and some Commonwealth countries, are becoming increasingly popular in Britain.

A clear distinction must be drawn between actions requested by an Advance Directive, and active euthanasia, or "mercy killing". A doctor who took a positive step such as giving a lethal injection-to help a patient die would, as the law stands, be guilty of murder or aiding and abetting suicide, depending on the circumstances.

An Advance Directive, however, requests only passive euthanasia: the withholding of medical treatment aimed solely at sustaining the life of a patient who is terminally ill or a vegetable. The definition of medical treatment, in such circumstances, can include food and water. The enforceability of the Advance Directive stems from the notion, long accepted in English law, that a person who is both old enough to make an informed decision and compos mentis, is entitled to refuse any medical treatment offered by a doctor, even if that refusal leads to the person's death. A doctor who forces treatment on a patient against his or her wishes is, therefore, guilty of an assault. Case law exists in the US and several Commonwealth countries that extends this right of autonomy over one's life to patients who write an Advance Directive refusing treatment and subsequently lose their previously made instructions any differently.

It will be a relief over the death of a friend or a relative if the friend or relative dies from ______.

A.a traffic accident

B.an acute infectious disease

C.heart attack

D.a three-year coma (昏迷)

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第7题
Chomsky’s notion of performance is connected with “doing things with words.”
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第8题
In a culture in which organ transplants, life-extension machinery, microsurgery, and artif
icial organs have entered everyday medicine, we seem to be on the verge of realization of the seventeenth century European view of the body as a machine. But if we seem to have realized that conception, it can also be argued that we have in a sense turned it inside out. In the seventeenth century machine imagery reinforced the notion of the human body as a totally determined mechanism whose basic functionings the human being is helpless to alter. The then—dominant metaphors for this body—locks, watches, collections of springs—imagined a system that is set, wound up, whether by nature or God the watchmaker, ticking away in a predictable, orderly manner, regulated by laws over which the human being has no control. Understanding the system, we can help it perform. efficiently and intervene when it malfunctions, but we cannot radically alter the configuration of things.

Western science and technology have now arrived, paradoxically but predictably (for it was a submerged, illicit element in the mechanistic conception all along), at a new, postmodern conception of human freedom from bodily determination. Gradually and surely, a technology that was first aimed at the replacement of malfunctioning parts has generated an industry and a value system fueled by fantasies of rearranging, transforming, and correcting, an ideology of limitless improvement and change, defying the historicity, the mortality, and indeed the very materiality of the body. In place of that materiality, we now have what I call "cultural plastic." In place of God the watchmaker, we now have ourselves, the master sculptors of that plastic.

"Create a masterpiece: sculpt your body into a work of art," urges Fit magazine. "You visualize what you want to look like, and then you create that form." The precision technology of body sculpting, once the secret of the Arnold Schwarzeneggers and Rachel McLishes of the professional bodybuilding world, has now become available to anyone who can afford the price of membership in a health club. On the medical front, plastic surgery, whose repeated and purely cosmetic employment has been legitimated by popular music and film personalities, has become a fabulously expanding industry, extending its domain from nose jobs, face lifts, and tummy tucks to collagen-plumped lips and liposuction-shaped ankles and calves. In 1989, 681,00O procedures were done, up by 80 percent since 1981; over half of these were performed on patients between the ages of 18 and 35. The trendy Details magazine described such procedures as just "another fabulous (fashion) accessory" and used to invite readers to share their cosmetic surgery experiences in the monthly column "Knifestyles of the Rich and Famous."

Popular culture does not apply any brakes to these fantasies of rearrangement and transformation. "The proper diet, file right amount of exercise, and you can have, pretty much, any body you desire," claims an ad for a bottled mineral water. Of course, the rhetoric of choice and self-determination and the breezy analogies comparing cosmetic surgery to fashion accessorizing are deeply misleading. They efface not only the inequalities of privilege, money, and time that prohibit most people from indulging in these practices, but also the desperation that characterizes the lives of those who do. "I will do anything, anything to make myself look and feel better," says a contributor to the "Knifestyles" column. Medical science has now designated a new category of "polysurgical addicts" (or, as more casually referred to, "scalpel slaves") who return for operation after operation, in perpetual quest of that elusive yet ruthlessly normalizing goal, the "perfect" body. The dark underside of the practices of body transformation and rearrangement— reveals botched and sometimes—fatal operations, exercise addictions, and eating disorders.

W

A.only the rich should undergo such procedures

B.doctors should worry about medicine, not ethics

C.advertising should accurately reflect popular culture

D.nature should not be tampered with unnecessarily

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第9题
In the author’s view, compromise is a key notion to solve cultural encounters.
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