题目内容 (请给出正确答案)
[主观题]

Like our political society, the university is under severe attack today and perhaps for th

e same reason; namely, that we have accomplished much of what we have set out to do in this generation that we have done so imperfectly, and while we have been doing so, we have said a lot of things that simply are not true. For example, we have earnestly declared that full equality of opportunity in universities exists for everyone, regardless of economic circumstance, race or religion. This has never been true. In another sense the university has failed. It has stored great quantities of knowledge; it teaches more people; and despite its failures, it teaches them better. It is in the application of this knowledge that the failure has come.

Of the great branches of knowledge--the sciences, the social sciences and humanities--the sciences are applied, sometimes almost as soon as they are learned. Strenuous and occasionally successful efforts are made to apply the social sciences, but almost never are the humanities well applied. The great tasks of the university in the next generation are to search the past to form. the future, to begin an earnest search for a new and relevant set of values, and to learn to use the knowledge we have for the questions that come before us. The university should use one fourth of a student's time in his undergraduate years and organize it into courses which might be called history, and literature and philosophy, and anything else appropriate and organize these around primary problems.

The difference between a primary problem and a secondary problem is that primary problems tend to be around for a long' time, whereas the less important ones get solved. One primary problem is that of interfering with what some call human destiny and others call biological development, which is partly the result of genetic circumstance and partly the result of accidental environmental conditions. It is anticipated that the next generation, and perhaps this one, will be able to interfere chemically with the actual development of an individual and perhaps biologically by interfering with his genes. Obviously, there are benefits both to individuals and to society from eliminating, or at least improving, mentally and physically deformed persons. On the other hand, there could be very serious consequences if this knowledge were used intentionally to produce superior and subordinate classes; each genetically prepared to carry out a predetermined mission.

This can be done, but what happens to free will and the rights of the individual? Here we have a primary problem that will still exist when we are all dead. After all, the purpose of education is not only to impart knowledge but also to teach students to use the knowledge that they either have or will find, to teach them to ask and seek answers for important questions,

The author suggests that the university's greatest shortcoming is its failure to______.

A.attempt to provide equal opportunity for all

B.offer courses in philosophy and the humanities

C.prepare students adequately for professional studies

D.help students see the relevance of the humanities problems

提问人:网友zzsufo 发布时间:2022-01-07
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更多“Like our political society, th…”相关的问题
第1题
根据下列材料,请回答 1~20 题: The ethical judgments of the Supreme Court justices bec

根据下列材料,请回答 1~20 题:

The ethical judgments of the Supreme Court justices became an important issue recently. The court cannot_____ its legitimacy as guardian of the rule of law______ justices behave like politicians. Yet, in several instances, justices acted in ways that_____ the court’s reputation for being independent and impartial.

Justices Antonin Scalia and Samuel Alito Jr., for example, appeared at political events. That kind of activity makes it less likely that the court’s decisions will be____ as impartial judgments. Part of the problem is that the justices are not _____ by an ethics code. At the very least, the court should make itself_______ to the code of conduct that ______to the rest of the federal judiciary.

This and other cases ______the question of whether there is still a _____ between the court and politics.

The framers of the Constitution envisioned law____ having authority apart from politics. They gave justices permanent positions ____ they would be free to ____those in power and have no need to_____ political support. Our legal system was designed to set law apart from politics precisely because they are so closely _____.

Constitutional law is political because it results from choices rooted in fundamental social ______like liberty and property. When the court deals with social policy decisions, the law it _____is inescapably political — which is why decisions split along ideological lines are so easily _____ as unjust.

The justices must _____doubts about the court’s legitimacy by making themselves _____to the code of conduct. That would make their rulings more likely to be seen as separate from politics and, _____, convincing as law.

第 1 题 请在(1)处填上最佳答案。

A emphasize

B maintain

C modify

D recognize

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第2题
One of the most interesting paradoxes in America today is that Harvard University; the old
est institution of higher learning in the United States, is now engaged in a serious debate about what a university should be, and whether it is measuring up. Like the Roman Catholic church and other ancient institutions, it is asking-still in private rather than in public whether its past assumptions about faculty, authority, admission, courses of study, are really relevant to the problems of the 1990's. Should Harvard-or any other university-bean intellectual sanctuary, apart from the political and social revolution of the age, or should it be a laboratory for experimentation with these political and social revolutions; or even an engine of the revolution? This is what is being discussed privately in the big clapboard houses of faculty members around the Harvard Yard.

Walter Lip Mann, a distinguished Harvard graduate, defined the issue several years ago. "If the universities are to do their work." he said, "they must be independent and they must be disinterested...They are places to which men can turn for judgments which are unbiased by partisanship and special interest. Obviously, the moment the universities fall under political control, or under the control of private interest, or the moment they themselves take a hand in politics and the leadership of government, their value as independent and disinterested sources of judgment is impaired ... "

This is part of the argument that is going on at Harvard today. Another part is the argument of the militant and even many moderate students: that a university is the keeper of our ideals and morals, and should not be" disinterested" but activist in bringing the nation's ideals and actions together.

Harvard's men of today seem more trebled and less sure about personal, political and academic purpose than they did at the beginning. They are not even clear about how they should debate and resolve their problems but they are struggling with privately, and how they come out is bound to influence American university and political life in the 1990's.

According to the passage, universities like Harvard should______

A.fight against militarism.

B.take an active part in solving society's evils.

C.support old and established institutions.

D.involve themselves in politics.

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第3题
听力原文: For most people, reading a newspaper has become a habit passed down from generat
ion to generation. I'm sure in a hundred years we will still be reading newspapers.

What basically makes news is what affects our lives-the big political stories, the coverage of the wars, earthquakes and other disasters, will continue much the same. I think there will be more coverage of scientific research, though. It's already happening in areas that may directly affect our lives, like genetic engineering. In the future, I think there will be more coverage of scientific explanations of why we feel as we do-as we develop a better understanding of how the brain operates and what our feelings really are.

It's quite possible that in the next century newspapers will be transmitted electronically from Fleet Street and printed out in our own home. In fact, I'm pretty sure that is how it will happen in the future. You will probably be able to choose from a menu; making up your own newspaper by picking out the things you want to read.

I think people have got it wrong when they talk about the competition between the different media. They actually feed off each other. Some people once foresaw that television would kill off newspapers, but that hasn't happened. What is read on the printed page lasts longer than pictures on a screen or sound lost in the air. And as for the Internet, it's never really pleasant to read something just on a screen.

(30)

A.It will cover more big political 'affairs.

B.It won't be printed in publishing houses.

C.It will cover more scientific research.

D.It will cover less disasters.

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第4题
One of the most interesting paradoxes(矛盾) in America today is that Harvard University, t

One of the most interesting paradoxes(矛盾) in America today is that Harvard University, the oldest institution of higher learning in the United States, is now engaged in a serious debate about what a university should be, and whether it is measuring up. Like the Roman Catholic Church and other ancient institutions, it is asking -- still in private rather than in public -- whether its past assumptions about faculty, authority, admissions, courses of study, are really relevant to the problems of the 1990's.

Should Harvard -- or any other university -- be an intellectual sanctuary(圣所), apart from the political and social revolution of the age, or should it be a laboratory for experimentation with these political and social revolutions; or even an engine of the revolution7 This is what is being discussed privately in the big clapboard(隔板) houses of faculty members around the Harvard Yard.

The issue was defined by Walter Lippmann, a distinguished Harvard graduate, several years ago.

"If the universities are to do their work," he said, "they must be independent and they must be disinterested... They are places to which men can turn for judgments which are unbiased by partisanship and special interest. Obviously, the moment the universities fall under political control, or under the control of private interests, or the moment they themselves take a hand in politics and rite leadership of government, their value as independent and disinterested sources of judgment is impaired..."

This is part of the argument that is going on at Harvard today. Another part is the argument of the militant and even many moderate students; that a university is the keeper of our ideals and morals, and should not be "disinterested" but activist in bringing the nation's ideals and actions together.

Harvard's men of today' seem more troubled and less sure about personal, political and academic purpose than they did at the beginning. They are not even clear about how they should debate raid re solve their problems, but they are straggling with them privately, and how they come out is bound to influence American university and political life in the 1990's.

The issues in the debate on Harvard's goals are whether the universities should remain independent of our society and its problems, and whether they should ______.

A.overcome the widespread drag dependency

B.take an nerve part in solving society's ills

C.support our old and established institutions

D.become involved in politics

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第5题
回答下列各题 One of the most interesting paradoxes in America today is thatHarvard Univers
ity,the oldest institution of higher learning in the United States,is UOW engaged in a serious debate about what a university should be,and whether it is measuring up(符合标准).Like the Roman Catholic Church and other ancient institutions,it is asking--still in private rather than in public--whether itspast assumptions about faculty,authority,admissions,courses of study,are really relevant to the problems of our society. Should Harvard or any other university—be an intellectualsanctuary,apart from the political and social revolution of the age,or should it be a laboratory for experimentation with thesepolitical and social revolutions;or even an engine ofthe revolution This is what is being discussed privately in the bigclapboard(楔形板)houses of faculty members around theHarvard Yard. The issue was defined by Walter Lippmann,a distinguished Harvard graduate,many years ago. “If the universities are todo their work,”he said,“they must be independent and they mustbe disinterested…They are places to which men can turn for unbiased judgments.Obviously,the moment the universities fallunder political control,or under the control of privateinterests,or the moment they themselves take a hand inpolitics and the leadership of government,their valueas independent and disinterested sources of judgment is impaired…” This is part of the argument that is going on at Harvard today.Another part is the argument ofthe militant and even many moderated students:that auniversity is the keeper of our ideals and morals,andshould not be“disinterested”but activist in bringingthe Nation’s ideals and actions together. Harvard’s men of today seem more troubled and less sure aboutpersonal,political and academic purpose than they did at the beginning.They are not even clear about how they should debate and resolvetheir problems,but they are struggling with themprivately,and how they come out is bound to influenceAmerican university and political life in the 21st century. A "paradox"(Line 1, Paragraph 1) is __________.

A.an unusual situation

B.a difficult puzzle

C.a parenthetical expression

D.a self-contradiction

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第6题
Speech, whether oral or written, is a used commodity. If we are to be heard, we must (1)__

Speech, whether oral or written, is a used commodity. If we are to be heard, we must (1)_____ our words from those (2)_____ to us within families, peer groups, societal institutions, and political networks. Our utterances position us both in an immediate social dialogue (3)_____ our addressee and, simultaneously, in a larger ideological one (4)_____ by history and society. We speak as an individual and also, as a student or teacher, a husband or wife, a person of a particular discipline, social class, religion, race, or other socially constructed (5)_____. Thus, to varying degrees, all speaking is a (6)_____ of others' words and all writing is rewriting. As language (7)_____, we experience individual agency by infusing our own intentions (8)_____ other people's words, and this can be very hard.

(9)_____, schools, like into churches and courtrooms, are places (10)_____ people speak words that are more important than they are. The words of a particular discipline, like those of "God the father" or of "the law", are being articulated by spokespeople for the given authority. The (11)_____ of the addressed, the listener, is to acknowledge the words and their (12)_____. In Bakhtin's (13)_____, "the authoritative word is located in a distanced zone, organically connected with a (14)_____ that is felt to be hierarchally higher".

(15)_____, part of growing up in an ideological sense is becoming more "selective" about the words we appropriate and, (16)_____, pass on to others. In Bakhtin's (17)_____, responsible people do not treat (18)_____ as givens, they treat them as utterances, spoken by particular people located in specific ways in the social landscape. Becoming alive to the socio-ideological complexity of language use is (19)_____ to becoming a more responsive language user and, potentially, a more playful one too, able to use a (20)_____ of social voices, of perspectives, in articulating one's own ideas.

A.invent

B.appropriate

C.coin

D.change

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第7题
Taking the nation-state as our point of spatial reference, we can differentiate not only b

Taking the nation-state as our point of spatial reference, we can

differentiate not only between historiographies on a sub-national level like

villages and cities, but units on a supra-national level. Applied to concrete forms

Line of historiography, however, we confront at least three kinds of problems that

(5) complicate this scheme, the first of which, the ideological load of some spatial

concepts, was put on the agenda by Edward Said's analysis of the notion of the

"Orient". Said has shown that though most spatial concepts initially appear quite

neutral and innocent, they often carry important ideological and political

implications. Like "the Orient", the notion of "the primitive", "the savage"

(10) and the "barbarian" have fulfilled similar ideological functions in the colonial

encounter, because—like "the Orient"—they were used as the justification of

the domination of "the primitive" by its supposed opposite: the "civilized" part

of the world.

The second problem is that the spatial scope of a historical work is not

(15) always what it seems, especially instances when we would like to assess the

relationship between regional and national historiographies. The microcosm of

the region functions may sometimes be substituted illegitimately for the

macrocosm of the nation—take for instance, the confusion of Holland for the

whole of the Netherlands, a problem that has complicated the classification of

(20) historiographies on basis of spatial markers. The third and perhaps most

troubling problem in our spatial scheme is the essentially contested character of

its central concept: the nation. The nation belongs to the same category as

notions like "freedom" and "democracy" that also refuse unambiguous definition

and the fundamental problem in the discourse on the nation is that the nation

(21) does not necessarily coincide with the state or even with the nation-state.

Sometimes spatial units at a sub-state level, like provinces or tribal areas are

represented as nations, and sometimes nations are represented as supra-national

units, units exceeding the borders of a nation-state.

It is not the task of professional historians to solve these practical issues—

(30) this is a matter of politics—but to clarify the different historical representations

in each case. Historians do not have a special task in solving political problems,

but as professional specialists of the past they have the task of clarifying the

historical roots of political problems, a practice that amounts to the

identification and the integration of the different and often conflicting

(35) perspectives pertaining to present day issues. It is neither realistic nor

reasonable to expect consensus in historiography; as in politics, the most we

can strive for is a sound knowledge of the different points of view, leading to a

maximum of empathy and to mutual understanding of past and present positions.

Which of the following best states the main point of the passage?

A.The approach to the problem of spatial boundaries is plagued by a number of problems that historiographers are obliged to confront.

B.Historiographers can benefit from studying the traditional geography of nations in greater depth.

C.Historiographers should try to refrain from solving the practical issues that arise in the resolution of spatial boundary issues.

D.The categorization and demarcations of geography at the national level is more complicated than that of the sub-national or supra-national level.

E.The spatial demarcation of nations is the most complicated issue in contemporary historiography.

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第8题
Foreign propagandists have a strange misconception of our national character. They believe
that we Americans must be hybrid, mongrel, undynamic; and we are called so by the enemies of democracy because, they say, so many races have been fused together in our national life. They believe we are disunited and defenseless because we argue with each other, because we engage in political campaigns, because we recognize the sacred right of the minority to disagree with the majority and to express that disagreement even loudly. It is the very mingling of races, dedicated to common ideals, which creates and recreates our vitality. In every representative American meeting there will be people with names like Jackson and Lincoln and Isaacs and Sehultz and Kovack and Sartori and Jones and Smith. These Americans with varied backgrounds are all immigrants or the descendants of immigrants. All of them are inheritors of the same stalwart tradition of unusual enterprise, of adventurousness, of courage--courage to "pull up stakes and git moving". That has been the great compelling force in our history. Our continent, our hemisphere, has been populated by people who wanted a life better than the life they had previously known. They were willing to undergo all conceivable hardships to achieve the better life. They were animated, just as we are animated today, by this compelling force. It is what makes us Americans.

The title below that best expresses the main idea of this selection is ______.

A.No Common Ideals

B.America's Motivating Force

C.American Immigrants

D.The Evils of Foreign Propaganda

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第9题
Roger Rosenblatt's book Black Fiction, in attempting to apply literary rather than sociopo
litical criteria to its subject, successfully alters the approach taken by most previous studies. As Rosenblatt notes, criticism of Black writing has often served as a pretext for illustrating Black history. Addison Gayle's recent work, for instance, judges the value of Black fiction by overtly political standards, rating each work according to the notions of Black identity that it propounds.

Although fiction assuredly springs from political circumstances, its authors react to those circumstances in ways other than ideological, and talking about novels and stories primarily as instruments of ideology avoids cleverly much of the fictional enterprise. Rosenblatt's literary analysis discloses ties and connections among works of Black fiction which solely political studies have overlooked or ignored.

Writing acceptable criticism of Black fiction, however, assumes beforehand giving satisfactory answers to a number of questions. First of all, is there a sufficient reason, other than the racial identity of the authors? Second, how does Black fiction make itself distinct from other modern fiction with which it is largely contemporaneous? Rosenblatt shows that Black fiction constitutes a distinct body of writing that has an identifiable, coherent literary tradition. Looking at novels written by blacks over the last eighty years, he discovers recurring concerns and designs independent of the order of time. These structures are thematic, and they spring, not surprisingly, from the central fact that the Black characters in these novels exist in predominantly white culture, whether they try to conform. to that culture or rebel against it.

Black Fiction does leave some aesthetic questions open. Rosenblatt's thematic analyses permits considerable objectivity; he even explicitly states that it is not his intention to judge the merit of the various works yet his reluctance seems to be put in the wrong palce, especially since an attempt to evaluate might have led to interesting results. For instance, some of the novels appear to be structurally diffuse. Is this a defect, or are the authors working out of, or trying to forge, a different kind of aesthetic? In addition, the style. of some black novels, like Jean Toomer's Cane, verges on expressionism; does this technique provide a counterpoint to the prevalent theme that portrays the late against which black heroes are pitted, a theme usually conveyed by more naturalistic modes of expression?

In spite of such omissions, what Rosenblatt does include in his discussion makes for an clever and worthwhile study. Black Fiction surveys a wide variety of novels, bringing to our attention in the process some fascinating and little-known works like James Weldon Johnson's Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man. Its argument is tightly constructed, and its straightforward, clear style. shows clear-minded and penetrating criticism.

The author of the passage objects to criticism of Black Fiction like that by Addison Gayle because it ______.

A.emphasizes purely literary aspect of such fiction

B.misinterprets the ideological content of such fiction

C.misunderstands the notions of Black identity contained in such fiction

D.substitutes political for literary criteria in evaluating such fiction

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第10题
Taking the nation-state as our point of spatial reference, we can differentiate not only b

Taking the nation-state as our point of spatial reference, we can differentiate

not only between historiographies on a sub-national level like

villages and cities, but units on a supra-national level. Applied to concrete forms

of historiography, however, we confront at least three kinds of problems that

(5) complicate this scheme, the first of which, the ideological load of some spatial

concepts, was put on the agenda by Edward Said's analysis of the notion of the

"Orient". Said has shown that though most spatial concepts initially appear quite

neutral and innocent, they often carry important ideological and political

implications. Like "the Orient", the notion of "the primitive", "the savage"

(10) and the "barbarian" have fulfilled similar ideological functions in the colonial

encounter, because—like "the Orient"—they were used as the justification of

the domination of "the primitive" by its supposed opposite: the "civilized" part

of the world.

The second problem is that the spatial scope of a historical work is not

(15) always what it seems, especially instances when we would like to assess the

relationship between regional and national historiographies. The microcosm of

the region functions may sometimes be substituted illegitimately for the

macrocosm of the nation—take for instance, the confusion of Holland for the

whole of the Netherlands, a problem that has complicated the classification of

(20) historiographies on basis of spatial markers. The third and perhaps most

troubling problem in our spatial scheme is the essentially contested character of

its central concept: the nation. The nation belongs to the same category as

notions like "freedom" and "democracy" that also refuse unambiguous definition

and the fundamental problem in the discourse on the nation is that the nation

(25) does not necessarily coincide with the state or even with the nation-state.

Sometimes spatial units at a sub-state level, like provinces or tribal areas are

represented as nations, and sometimes nations are represented as supra-national

units, units exceeding the borders of a nation-state.

It is not the task of professional historians to solve these practical issues—

(30) this is a matter of politics—but to clarify the different historical representations

in each case. Historians do not have a special task in solving political problems,

but as professional specialists of the past they have the task of clarifying the

historical roots of political problems, a practice that amounts to the

identification and the integration of the different and often conflicting

(35) perspectives pertaining to present day issues. It is neither realistic nor

reasonable to expect consensus in historiography; as in politics, the most we

can strive for is a sound knowledge of the different points of view, leading to a

maximum of empathy and to mutual understanding of past and present positions.

Which of the following best states the main point of the passage?

A.The approach to the problem of spatial boundaries is plagued by a number of problems that historiographers are obliged to confront.

B.Historiographers can benefit from studying the traditional geography of nations in greater depth.

C.Historiographers should try to refrain from solving the practical issues that arise in the resolution of spatial boundary issues.

D.The categorization and demarcations of geography at the national level is more complicated than that of the sub-national or supra-national level.

E.The spatial demarcation of nations is the most complicated issue in contemporary historiography.

点击查看答案
第11题
Passage TwoQuestions 57~61 are based on the following passage. What’s hot for 2007 among
the very rich? A $7. 3 million diamond ring. A trip to Tanzania to hunt wild animals. Oh, and income inequality.

Sure, some leftish billionaires like George Soros have been railing against income inequality for years. But increasingly, centrist and right-wing billionaires are starting to worry about income inequality and the fate of the middle class.

In December, Mortimer Zuckerman wrote a column in U. S. News & World Report, which he owns. “Our nation’s core bargain with the middle class is disintegrating, ”lamented (哀叹) the 117th-richest man in America. “Most of our economic gains have gone to people at the very top of the income ladder. Average income for a household of people of working age, by contrast, has fallen five years in a row. ” He noted that “Tens of millions of Americans live in fear that a major health problem can reduce them to bankruptcy. ” Wilbur Ross Jr. has echoed Zuckerman’s anger over the bitter struggles faced by middle-class Americans. “It’s an outrage that any American’s life expectancy should be shortened simply because the company they worked for went bankrupt and ended health-care coverage,” said the former chairman of the International Steel Group.

What’s happening? The very rich are just as trendy as you and I, and can be so when it comes to politics and policy. Given the recent change of control in Congress, the popularity of measures like increasing the minimum wage, and efforts by California’s governor to offer universal health care, these guys don’t need their own personal weathermen to know which way the wind blows.

It’s possible that plutocrats(有钱有势的人)are expressing solidarity with the struggling middle class as part of an effort to insulate themselves from confiscatory(没收性的)tax policies. But the prospect that income inequality will lead to higher taxes on the wealthy doesn’t keep plutocrats up at night. They can live with that.

No, what they fear was that the political challenges of sustaining support for global economic integration will be more difficult in the United States because of what has happened to the distribution of income and economic insecurity.

In other words, if middle-class Americans continue to struggle financially as the ultrawealthy grow ever wealthier, it will be increasingly difficult to maintain political support for the free flow of goods, services, and capital across borders. And when the United States places obstacles in the way of foreign investors and foreign goods, it’s likely to encourage reciprocal action abroad. For people who buy and sell companies, or who allocate capital to markets all around the world, that’s the real nightmare.

第57题:What is the current topic of common interest among the very rich in America?

A.The fate of the ultrawealthy people.

B.The disintegration of the middle class.

C.The inequality in the distribution of wealth.

D.The conflict between the left and the right wing

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