A.soldier who wants to be a marshal is not a good soldier.
B.Every soldier has his responsibilities
C.Every soldier has a dream of being a general
D.A soldier who does not want to be a general is not a good soldier.
A.soldier who wants to be a marshal is not a good soldier.
B.Every soldier has his responsibilities
C.Every soldier has a dream of being a general
D.A soldier who does not want to be a general is not a good soldier.
A.The supervisor in charge of the dock to which the barge is tied up
B.Part 38 of the Rules and Regulations for Tank Vessels
C.The Certificate of Inspection of the barge
D.The local fire marshal
On August 7, 1794 President Washington issued a proclamation, calling out the militia and ordering the disaffected westerners to return to their homes. Washington's order mobilized an army of approximately 13,000 (as large as the one that had defeated the British), under the command of General Harry Lee, the then-Governor of Virginia and father of Robert E. Lee. Washington himself, in a show of presidential authority, set out at the head of the troops to suppress the uprising.
This was the first use of the Militia Law of 1792, setting a precedent for the use of the militia to "execute the laws of the union, (and) suppress insurrections," asserting the right of the national government to enforce order in one state with troops raised in other states. Even more importantly, it was the first test of power of the new federal government, establishing its primacy in disputes with individual states. In the end, a dozen or so men were arrested, sent to Philadelphia to trial and released after pardons by Washington.
What does the passage mainly discuss?
A.Federal versus state powers.
B.The effects of tariffs.
C.The whiskey rebellion.
D.The Militia Law of 1792.
I confess that I am less horror-struck than some people at the prospect, which seems to me unavoidable, of an ultimate power of what is called direction of labor resting in some arm of society, whether in an organ of state or of trade unions. I should indeed be horrified if I identified this prospect with a return to the conditions of the pre-capitalist era. The economic whip of laissea-faire undoubtedly represented an advance on the serf-like conditions of that period: in that relative sense, the claim of capitalism to have established for the first time a system of "free" labour deserves respect But the direction of labour as exercised in Great Britain in the Second World War seems to me to represent as great an advance over the economic whip of the heyday of capitalist private enterprise as the economic whip represented over pre-capitalist serfdom, Much depends on the effectiveness of the positive incentives, much, too, on the solidarity and self-discipline of the community. After all, under the system of laissea-faire capitalism the fear of hunger remained an ultimate sanction rather than a continuously operative force. It would have been intolerable if the worker had been normally driven to work by conscious fear of hunger; nor, except in the early and worst days of the Industrial Revolution, did that normally happen. Similarly in the society of the future the power of direction should be regarded not so much as an instrument of daily used but rather as an ultimate sanction held in reserve where voluntary methods fail It is inconceivable that, in any period or in any conditions that can now be foreseen, any organ of state in Great Britain would be in a position, even if it had the will, to marshal and deploy the labour force over the whole economy by military discipline like an army in the field. This, like other nightmares of a totally planned economy, can be left to those who like to frighten themselves and others with scarecrows.
The word "sanction" (Para. 1) is closest in meaning to
A.corrective measures.
B.encouraging methods.
C.preventive efforts.
D.revolutionary actions.
I confess that I am less horror-struck than some people at the prospect, which seems to me unavoidable, of an ultimate power of what is called direction of labour resting in some arm of society, whether in an organ of state or of trade unions. I should indeed be horrified if I identified this prospect with a return to the conditions of the pre-capitalist era. The economic whip of laissez-faire undoubtedly represented an advance on the serf-like conditions of that period: in that relative sense, the claim of capitalism to have established for the first time a system of “free” labour deserves respect. But the direction of labour as exercised in Great Britain in the Second World War seems to me to represent as great an advance over the economic whip of the heyday of capitalist private enterprise as the economic whip represented over pre-capitalist serfdom.
Much depends on the effectiveness of the positive incentives, much, too, on the solidarity and self-discipline of the community. After all, under the system of laissez-faire capitalism the fear of hunger remained an ultimate sanction rather than a continuously operative force. It would have been intolerable if the worker had been normally driven to work by conscious fear of hunger; nor, except in the early and worst days of the Industrial Revolution, did that normally happen. Similarly in the society of the future the power of direction should be regarded not so much as an instrument of daily use but rather as an ultimate sanction held in reserve where voluntary methods fail. It is inconceivable that, in any period or in any conditions that can now be foreseen, any organ of state in Great Britain would be in a position, even if it had the will, to marshal and deploy the labour force over the whole economy by military discipline like an army in the field. This, like other nightmares of a totally planned economy, can be left to those who like to frighten themselves and others with scarecrows.
第31题:1. The word “sanction”(Line 2, Paragraph 1) is closest in meaning to______.
[A] corrective measures
[B] encouraging methods
[C] preventive efforts
[D] revolutionary actions
What O'Neill has said repeatedly is that the IMF should stop playing fireman,rushing to help after a Country's finances have burst into flames, and become a "fire marshal"(消防署署长) instead. This means interfering early, advising countries exactlywhat is wrong and what reforms are needed, tracking results and then issuing publicwarning when countries are heading for disaster. "If a country willfully (固执地) followsbad policies that it's been talked to about, " says O'Neill, "we can be more relaxedin saying to them: 'We are not going to be there when chickens come to roost (习语,指恶行的自作自受). '"
请根据以上材料,回答下列问题。
(1)你觉得他所说的导致一国出现货币金融危机的“坏政策”主要指的是些什么政策?试根据有关理论,说明“坏政策”是如何使一国经济陷入货币危机的。
(2)你觉得一国出现货币金融危机会完全是由于“坏政策”造成的吗?还有哪些因素也可能对现在货币金融危机的爆发负责任。
A.For what did he ask
B.What did he ask for
C.What did he ask
D.For what did he ask for
What did Joel bring for the children?
A.Coats.
B.Toys.
C.A bag.
D.Books.
What did McCourt teach the girl?
A.Reading.
B.Writing.
C.Speaking.
D.Listening.
A、What is the research design?
B、What materials and techniques did the research use?
C、What statistics did the research analyze?
D、What procedures did the research follow?
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