Equivalent German models tend to be heavier and slightly less easy to use, whereas the American _________ are considerably more expensive.
A.samples
B.visions
C.versions
D.exemplification
A.samples
B.visions
C.versions
D.exemplification
2 Perhaps the nearest modern equivalent in America is the Amish, a German American farming sect that largely renounces the products and labor saving devices of the industrial age. In Amish areas, horse drawn buggies still serve as a local transportation device and the faithful are not permitted to own automobiles. The Amish's central religious concept of Demut "humility" clearly reflects the weakness of individualism and social class so typical of folk cultures and there is a corresponding strength of Amish group identity. Rarely do the Amish marry outside their sect. The religion, a variety of the Mennonite faith, provides the principal mechanism for maintaining order.
3 By contrast a popular culture is a large heterogeneous group often highly individualistic and constantly changing. Relationships tend to be impersonal and a pronounced division of labor exists, leading to the establishment of many specialized professions. Secular institutions of control such as the police and army take the place of religion and family in maintaining order, and a money based economy prevails. Because of these contrasts, "popular" may be viewed as clearly different from "folk". The popular is replacing the folk in industrialized countries and in many developing nations. Folk-made objects give way to their popular equivalent, usually because the popular item is more quickly or cheaply produced, is easier or time saving to use or lends more prestige to the owner.
Which of the following statements is NOT true of a folk culture?
A.Impersonal.
B.Religious.
C.Conservative.
D.Collective.
4 Assume today’s date is 5 February 2006.
Joanne is 37, she was born and until 2005 had lived all her life in Germany. She recently married Fraser, aged 38,
who is a UK resident, but who worked briefly in Germany. They have no children.
The couple moved to the UK to live permanently on 9 October 2005. Joanne was employed by an American company
in Germany, and she continued to work for them in the UK until the end of November 2005. Her earnings from the
American company were £5,000 per month. Joanne has not remitted any of the income she earned in Germany prior
to her arrival in the UK.
Joanne resigned from her job at the end of November 2005. The company did not hold her to the three months notice
stipulated in her contract, but still paid her for that period. In total, Joanne paid £4,200 in UK income tax under PAYE
for the tax tear 2005/06.
Joanne also wishes to sell the shares she holds in a German listed company. The shareholding cost the equivalent of
£3,500 in September 1986, and its current value is £21,500. She intends to sell the shares in March 2006 and to
invest the proceeds from the sale in the UK. Joanne has made no other capital disposals in the year.
Prior to her leaving employment, Joanne investigated the possibility of starting her own business providing a German
translation service for UK companies, and took some advice on the matter. She paid consultancy fees of £5,000
(excluding value added tax (VAT)) and bought a computer for £2,000 (excluding VAT), both on 23 October 2005.
Joanne started trading on 1 December 2005. She made sales of £2,000 in December, and estimates that her sales
will rise by £1,000 every month to a maximum of £7,000 per month. Joanne believes that her monthly expenses of
£400 (excluding VAT) will remain constant. Her year end will be 31 March, and the first accounts will be drawn up
to 31 March 2006.
Although Joanne has registered her business for tax purposes with the Revenue, she has not registered for VAT and
is unsure what is required of her in this respect.
Required:
(a) State, giving reasons, whether Joanne will be treated as resident or non-resident in the UK for the year of
assessment 2005/06, together with the basis on which her income and gains of that year will be subject to
UK taxation. (3 marks)
This calmness requires an explanation. Is it that France has simply given up trying to protect itself from a seductive flood of American films, food, television programmes and music? Not quite. Calmness need not mean submission. The French film industry, for example, is calling for help against competition from French television, whose programming is padded out with old American films and series. Is it rather that France has overcome its old cultural fears and dislike of America? Again, no. On the whole, French people have always had a rather positive image of America. True, the French can be snobbish about American culture—often intensely so; but, whether of right or left, this snobbery is usually confined to elites. The anniversaries of the 1787 American constitution and the 1789 French revolution are giving many French and American academics an excuse to celebrate how much the two republics have in common.
No, the calmness on the French side has a lot to do with a growing knowledge of America in France. As piecemeal, factual views of America replace more fanciful or all-or-nothing ones, France is waking up to the fact that the cultural trade between it and America is more of a two-way street than the periodic excitement about "American cultural imperialism" suggests.
American studies in France are enjoying, if not a boom, at least a slow and comfortable growth, according to Professor Rene Vincent, the director of the Revue Francoise des Etudies Americans. This has taken a while. French universities did not take America seriously enough until some years after the Second World War, when young French scholars on Fulbright scholarships came back to France to teach American literature and history.
Even then, America lurked in Britain's shadow in French universities. But American study has won its independence from les Anglicistes. And, as it does so, American study in France is drifting away from literature towards history and politics. Helping, of course, is the fact that learning English in France is now widely felt to be indispensable to getting ahead. About half of France's universities now offer courses in American studies. At the French equivalent of post-graduate level, some 50 doctorates on American topics are awarded each year.
But American studies in France still have a long way to go. Paris has flourishing British, German, Latin-American and Spanish institutes; it will soon have an Arab institute. But there is no American institute. Talks about starting one have dragged on for years.
One reason for the lack of enthusiasm—and money—on the American side is the absence of a large community of French immigrants in the United States. Though the Fulbright programme provides many university exchanges, there is no proper equivalent of the West German Marshall Fund. There are plenty of American banks and companies in Paris, but the trickle-down from American business is small. The Franco-American Foundation promotes scholarly exchanges but has a tiny budget. Another case of sad neglect is the once-famous American library in Paris. Set up after the First World War, it is so short of money it opens only part-time.
This neglect is all the more regrettable because many of the best American universities have a keen interest in France. Despite the fact that Spanish might seem the obvious choice, French is still, at least on the east coast, the favoured foreign language in universities. For politics, Harvard's French studies programme is famous. At the beginning of October, New York and
A.American cultural imperialism.
B.Growth of American studies in France.
C.French influence on the American political system.
D.Similarities between France and America.
When X is NOT stochastic,is equivalent to.
But when it came to their houses, it was a time of common sense and a belief that less could truly be more. During the Depression and the war, Americans had learned to live with less, and that restraint, in combination with the postwar confidence in the future, made small, efficient housing positively stylish.
Economic condition was only a stimulus for the trend toward efficient living. The phrase " less is more" was actually first popularized by a German, the architect Ludwig Mies van der Rohe, who like other people associated with the Bauhaus, a school of design, emigrated to the United States before World War II and took up posts at American architecture schools. These designers came to exert enormous influence on the course of American architecture, but none more so that Mies.
Mies's signature phrase means that less decoration, properly organized, has more impact than a lot. Elegance, he believed, did not derive from abundance. Like other modern architects, he employed metal, glass and laminated wood—materials that we take for granted today buy that in the 1940s symbolized the future. Mies's sophisticated presentation masked the fact that the spaces he designed were small and efficient, rather than big and often empty.
The apartments in the elegant towers Mies built on Chicago's Lake Shore Drive, for example, were smaller—two-bedroom units under 1, 000 square feet—than those in their older neighbors along the city's Gold Coast. But they were popular because of their airy glass walls, the views they afforded and the elegance of the buildings' details and proportions, the architectural equivalent of the abstract art so popular at the time.
The trend toward "less" was not entirely foreign. In the 1930s Frank Lloyd Wright started building more modest and efficient houses—usually around 1, 200 square feet—than the spreading two-story ones he had designed in the 1890s and the early 20th century.
The " Case Study Houses" commissioned from talented modern architects by California Arts & Architecture magazine between 1945 and 1962 were yet another homegrown influence on the "less is more" trend. Aesthetic effect came from the landscape, new materials and forthright detailing. In his Case Study House, Ralph Rapson may have mispredicted just how the mechanical revolution would impact everyday life—few American families acquired helicopters, though most eventually got clothes dryers—but his belief that self-sufficiency was both desirable and inevitable was widely shared.
The postwar American housing style. largely reflected the Americans'_________.
A.prosperity and growth
B.efficiency and practicality
C.restraint and confidence
D.pride and faithfulness
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