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[主观题]

Supporters of social responsibility claim that being socially responsible ________.

A、increases short-term profits

B、decreases long-term profits

C、increases long-term profits

D、decreases short-term profits

提问人:网友yvhklfn 发布时间:2022-01-07
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更多“Supporters of social responsib…”相关的问题
第1题
Kaus has realized that _______.A.real equality cannot be achieved if the poor cannot incre

Kaus has realized that _______.

A.real equality cannot be achieved if the poor cannot increase their income

B.his idea will probably meet with disapproval from the supporters of the Democratic Party

C.only the Bronx might cheer for his theory

D.the division of social strata has become increasingly conspicuous

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第2题
Which of following statements is true about the public debate over gun network?A.It has li

Which of following statements is true about the public debate over gun network?

A.It has little influence on the forum sponsored by the Crime and Justice network.

B.Neither supporters nor opponents of gun control cite the works of scholars.

C.The works of mainstream social scientists have great impact on it.

D.Many social science historians have so far failed to take part in it.

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第3题
Discussion of the assimilation of Puerto Ricans in the United States has focused on two fa
ctors: social standing and the loss of national culture. In general, excessive stress is placed on one factor or the other, depending on whether the commentator is North American or Puerto Rican. Many North American social scientists, such as Oscar Handlin, Joseph Fitzpatrick, and Oscar Lewis, consider Puerto Ricans as the most recent in a long line of ethnic entrants to occupy the lowest rung on the social ladder. Such a "sociodemographic" approach tends to regard assimilation as a benign process, taking for granted increased economic advantage and inevitable cultural-integration, in a supposedly egalitarian context. However, this approach fails to take into account the colonial nature of the Puerto Rican case, with this group, unlike their European predecessors, coming from a nation politically subordinated to the United States. Even the "radical" critiques of this mainstream research model, such as the critique developed in Divided Society, attach the issue of ethnic assimilation too mechanically to factors of economic and social mobility and are thus unable to illuminate the cultural subordination of Puerto Ricans as a colonial minority.

In contrast, the "colonialist" approach of island-based writers, such as Eduardo Seda Bonilla, Manuel Maldonado Denis, and Luis Nieves Falcon, tends to view assimilation as the forced loss of national culture in an unequal contest with imposed foreign values. There is, of course, a strong tradition of cultural accommodation among other Puerto Rican thinkers. The writings of Eugenio Fernandez Mendez clearly exemplify this tradition, and many supporters of Puerto Rico's commonwealth status share the same universalizing orientation. But the Puerto Rican intellectuals who have written most about the assimilation process in the United States all advance cultural nationalist views, advocating the preservation of minority cultural distinctions and rejecting what they see as the subjugation of colonial nationalities.

This cultural and political emphasis is appropriate, but the colonialist thinkers misdirect it, overlooking the class relations at work in both Puerto Rican and North American history. They pose the clash of national cultures as an absolute polarity, with each culture uuderstood as static and undifferentiated. Yet both the Puerto Rican and North American traditions have been subject to constant challenge from cultural forces within their own societies, forces that may move toward each other in ways that cannot be written off as mere "assimilation". Consider, for example, the indigenous and Mro-Caribbean traditions in Puerto Rican culture and how they influence and are influenced by other Caribbean cultures and Black cultures in the United States. The elements of coercion and inequality, so central to cultural contact according to the colonialist framework, play no role in this kind of convergence of racially and ethnically different elements of the same social class.

According to the passage, cultural accommodation is promoted by ______.

A.Manuel Maldonado Denis

B.the author of Divided Society

C.the majority of social scientists writing on immigration

D.many supporters of Puerto Rico's commonwealth status

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第4题
_______[A] Other anthropologists believed that cultural innovations, such as inventions

_______

[A] Other anthropologists believed that cultural innovations, such as inventions, had a single origin and passed from society to society. This theory was known as diffusionism.

[B] In order to study particular cultures as completely as possible, Boas became skilled in linguistics, the study of languages, and in physical anthropology, the study of human biology and anatomy.

[C] He argued that human evolution was characterized by a struggle he called the “survival of the fittest,” in which weaker races and societies must eventually be replaced by stronger, more advanced races and societies.

[D] They also focused on important rituals that appeared to preserve a people’s social structure, such as initiation ceremonies that formally signify children’s entrance into adulthood.

[E] Thus, in his view, diverse aspects of culture, such as the structure of families, forms of marriage, categories of kinship, ownership of property, forms of government, technology, and systems of food production, all changed as societies evolved.

[F]Supporters of the theory viewed as a collection of integrated parts that work together to keep a society functioning.

[G] For example, British anthropologists Grafton Elliot Smith and W. J. Perry incorrectly suggested, on the basis of inadequate information, that farming, pottery making, and metallurgy all originated in ancient Egypt and diffused throughout the world. In fact, all of these cultural developments occurred separately at different times in many parts of the world.

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第5题
Discussion of the assimilation of Puerto Ricans in the United States has focused on two fa
ctors: social standing and the loss of national culture. In general, excessive stress is placed on one factor or the other, depending on whether the commentator is North American or Puerto Rican. Many North American social scientists, such as Oscar Handlin, Joseph Fitzpatrick, and Oscar Lewis, consider Puerto Ricans the most recent in a long line of ethnic entrants to occupy the lowest rung on the social ladder. Such a "sociodemographic" approach tends to regard assimilation as a benign process, taking for granted increased economic advantage and inevitable cultural integration, in a supposedly egalitarian context. However, this approach fails to take into account the colonial nature of the Puerto Rican case, with this group, unlike their European predecessors, coming from a nation politically subordinated to the United States. Even the "radical" critiques of this mainstream research model, such as the critique developed in Divided Society, attach the issue of ethnic assimilation too mechanically to factors of economic and social mobility and are thus unable to illustrate the cultural subordination if Puerto Ricans as a colonial minority.

In contrast, the "colonialist" approach of island-based writers such as Eduardo SedaBonilla, Manuel Maldonado-Denis, and Luis Nieves-Falcon tends to view assimilation as the forced loss of national culture in an unequal contest with imposed foreign values. There is, of course, a strong tradition of cultural accommodation among other Puerto Rican thinkers. The writings of Eugenio Fernandez Mendez clearly exemplify this tradition, and many supporters of Puerto Rico's commonwealth status share the same universalizing orientation. But the Puerto Rican intellectuals who have written most about the assimilation process in the United States all advance cultural nationalist views, advocating the preservation of minority cultural distinctions and rejecting what they see as the subjugation of colonial nationalities.

This cultural and political emphasis is appropriate, but the colonialist thinkers misdirect it, overlooking the class relations at work in both Puerto Rican and North American history. They pose the clash of national culture as an absolute polarity, with each culture understood as static and undifferentiated. Yet both the Puerto Rican and North American traditions have been subject to constant challenge from cultural forces within their own societies, forces that may move toward each other in ways that cannot be written off as mere "assimilation". Consider, for example, the indigenous and AfroCaribbean traditions in Puerto Rican culture and how they influence and are influenced by other Caribbean cultures and Black cultures in the United States. The elements of coercion and inequality, so central to cultural contact according to the colonialist framework, play no role in this kind of convergence of racially and ethnically different elements of the same social class.

The author's main purpose is to ______.

A.criticize the emphasis on social standing in discussions of the assimilation of Puerto Ricans in the United States

B.support the thesis that assimilation has not been a benign process for Puerto Ricans

C.defend a view of the assimilation of Puerto Ricans that emphasizes the preservation of national culture

D.indicate deficiencies in two schools if thoughts in the assimilation of Puerto Ricans in the United States

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第6题
Psychologists take opposite views of how external rewards, from warm praise to cold cash,
affect motivation and creativity. Behaviorists, who study the relation between actions and their consequences, argue that rewards can improve performance at work and school. Cognitive researchers, who study various aspects of mental life, maintain that rewards often destroy creativity by encouraging dependence on approval and gifts from others.

The【C1】______view had gained many supporters, especially among【C2】______. But the careful use of small monetary rewards【C3】______creativity in grade-school children,【C4】______that properly presented inducements indeed aid【C5】______, according to a【C6】______in the June Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.

"If kids know they're working for a reward and can【C7】______on a relatively challenging task,【C8】______show the most creativity," says Robert Eisenberger of the University of Delaware in Newark.

"But it's easy to【C9】______creativity by giving rewards for poor performance or【C10】______too much anticipation for rewards."

A teacher who【C11】______draws attention to rewards or who hands out high grades for ordinary achievement【C12】______up with uninspired students, Eisenberger holds.【C13】______an example of the latter point, he notes【C14】______efforts at major universities to【C15】______grading standards and【C16】______failing grades.

In earlier grades, the use of so-called token economies, in【C17】______students handle【C18】______problems and receive performance-based points toward valued rewards, shows【C19】______in raising effort and creativity, the Delaware psychologist【C20】______.

【C1】

A.latter

B.later

C.former

D.formal

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第7题
Psychologists take contrastive views of how external rewards,from【C1】______praise to cold
cash,affect motivation and creativity.Behaviorists,【C2】______research the relation【C3】______actions and their consequences argue that rewards Can improve performance at work and school.Cognitive researchers,who study various aspects of mental life,maintain【C4】______rewards often destroy creativity【C5】______encouraging dependence【C6】______approval and gifts from others.

The latter view has gained many supporters,especially【C7】______educators.But the careful use of small monetary rewards sparks【C8】______in grade-school children,suggesting【C9】______properly presented inducements indeed aid inventiveness,【C10】______to a study in the June Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.

“If kids know they're working for a【C11】______and can focus【C12】______a relatively challenging task,they show the most creativity”,says Robert Eisenberger of the University of Delaware in Newark.“But it's easy to kill creativity by giving rewards for【C13】______performance or creating too【C14】______anticipation for rewards.”

A teacher【C15】______continually draws attention to rewards or who hands【C16】______high grades for ordinary achievement ends up【C17】______discouraged students,Eisenberger holds.【C18】______an example of the latter point,he notes growing efforts at major universities to tighten grading standards and restore failing【C19】______

In earlier grades,the use of so-called token economies,in【C20】______students handle challenging problem sand receive performance-based points toward valued rewards,shows promise in raising effort and creativity,the Delaware psychologist claims.

【C1】

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第8题
Psychologists take contrastive views of how external rewards, from【31】______praise to cold
cash, affect motivation and creativity. Behaviorists, 【32】______research the relation【33】______actions and their consequences argue that rewards can improve performance at work and school. Cognitive researchers, who study various aspects of mental life, maintain【34】______rewards often destroy creativity【35】______encouraging dependence【36】______approval and gifts from others.

The latter view has gained many supporters, especially【37】______educators. But the careful use of small monetary rewards sparks【38】______in grade-school children, suggesting【39】______properly presented inducements indeed aid inventiveness, 【40】______to a study in the June Journal of Personality and Social Psychology "If kids know they're working for a【41】______and can focus【42】______a relatively challenging task, they show the most creativity" , says Robert Eisenberger of the University of Delaware in Newark. "But it's easy to kill creativity by giving rewards for【43】______performance or creating too【44】______anticipation for rewards. "

A teacher【45】______continually draws attention to rewards or who hands【46】______high grades for ordinary achievement ends up【47】______discouraged students, Eisenberger holds.【48】______an example of the latter point, he notes growing efforts at major universities to tighten grading standards and restore failing【49】In earlier grades, the use of so-called token economies, in【50】______students handle challenging problems and receive performance-based points toward valued rewards, shows promise in raising effort and creativity, the Delaware psychologist claims.

(31)

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第9题
Joseph Rykwert entered his field when post-war modernist architecture was coming under fir
e for its alienating embodiment of outmoded social ideals. Think of the UN building in New York, the city of Brasilia, the UNESCO building in Paris, the blocks of housing "projects" throughout the world. These tall, uniform. boxes are set back from the street, isolated by windswept plazas. They look inward to their own functions, presenting no "face" to the inhabitants of the city, no "place" for social interaction. For Mr. Rykwert, who rejects the functionalist spirit of the Athens Charter of 1933, a manifesto for much post-war building, such facelessness destroys the human meaning of the city. Architectural form. should not rigidly follow function, but ought to reflect the needs of the social body it represents.

Like other forms of representation, architecture is the embodiment of the decisions that go into its making, not the result of impersonal forces, market or history. Therefore, says Mr. Rykwert, adapting Joseph de Maistre's dictum that a nation has the government it deserves, our cities have the faces they deserve.

In this book, Mr. Rykwert. a noted urban historian of anthropological love, offers a flaneur's approach to the city's exterior surface rather than an urban history from the conceptual inside out. He does not drive, so his interaction with the city affords him a warts-and-all view with a sensual grasp of what it is to be a "place".

His story of urbanization begins, not surprisingly, with the industrial revolution when populations shifted and increased, exacerbating problems of housing and crime. In the 19th century many planning programs and utopias (Ebenezer Howard's garden city and Charles Fourier's "phalansteries" among them) were proposed as remedies. These have left their mark on 20th-century cities, as did Baron Hausmann's boulevards in Paris, Eugene Viollet-le-Duc's and Owen Jones's arguments for historical style, and Adolf Loos's fateful turn-of-the-century call to abolish ornament which, in turn, inspired Le Corbusier's bare functionalism. The reader will recognize all these ideas in the surfaces of the cities that hosted them: New York, Paris, London, and Vienna.

Cities changed again after the Second World War as populations grew, technology raced and prosperity spread. Like it or not, today's cities are the muddled product, among other things, of speed, greed, outmoded social agendas and ill-suited postmodern aesthetics. Some lament the old city's death; others welcome its replacement by the electronically driven "global village". Mr. Rykwert has his worries, to be sure, but he does not see ruin or chaos everywhere. He defends the city as a human and social necessity. In Chandigarh, Canberra and New York he sees overall success; in New Delhi, Paris and Shanghai, large areas of falling. For Mr. Rykwert, a man on foot in the age of speeding virtual, good architecture may still show us a face where flaneurs can read the story of their urban setting in familiar metaphors.

An argument made by supporters of functionism is that______.

A.post-war modernist architecture was coming under fire

B.UN building in New York blocks the housing projects

C.windswept plazas present "face" to the inhabitants of the city

D.functionism reflects the needs of the social body

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第10题
Psychologists take opposing views of how external rewards, from warm praise to cold cash,
affect motivation and creativity. Behaviorists, who study the relation between actions and their consequences, argue that rewards can improve performance at work and school. Cognitive(认识派的)researchers, who study various aspects of mental life, maintain that rewards often destroy creativity by encouraging dependence on approval and gifts from others.

The latter view has gained many supporters, especially among educators. But the careful use of small monetary(金钱的)rewards speaks creativity in grade -school children, suggesting that properly presented inducements(刺激)indeed aid inventiveness, according to a study in the June Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.

"If kids know they're working for a reward and can focus on a relatively challenging task, they show the most creativity," says Robert Eisenberger of the University of Delaware in Newark. "But it's easy to kill creativity by giving rewards for poor performance or creating too much anticipation for rewards."

A teacher who continually draws attention to rewards or who hands out high grades for ordinary a chievement ends up with uninspired students, Eisenberger holds. As an example of the latter point, he notes growing efforts at major universities to tighten grading standards and restore failing grades.

In earlier grades, the use of so-called token economies, in which students handle challenging problems 'and receive performance-based points toward valued rewards, shows promise in raising effort and creativity, the Delaware psychologist claims.

Psychologists are divided with regard to their attitudes toward ______.

A.the choice' between spiritual encouragement and monetary rewards

B.the amount of monetary rewards for students' creativity

C.the study of relationship between actions and their consequences

D.the effects of external rewards on students' performance

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